James Stephens and the 8 Hour Day

This weekend is the Labour Day long weekend in Melbourne (and in most of Australia), so I thought it would be a good time to have a look at the origins of this holiday. Like most of our long weekends, Labour Day is a commemoration but, unlike many of them, this links us globally to many other Western countries, most of whom mark a similar occasion somewhere in their calendars.

The origins of Labour Day are linked to the beginnings of the organised labour movement, and some courageous and principled folk who demanded fairer treatment for workers. And in Melbourne, the first of these working groups to demand better conditions were the local stonemasons, lead by a tough and determine Welshman.

Trade Association banner, Melbourne, 19th century.

Melbourne started as an agricultural outpost in 1835, with a small city centre and limited industry. But, as the city expanded rapidly, especially during the gold rush of the 1850s, the city also began to modernise. This brought new industries, and new jobs, in manufacturing, mining, and public works.

But working conditions in these new industries were tough:

One of gold rush Melbourne's biggest growth industries was construction. Awash with cash, and the newly wealthy purveyors of it, the city effectively set about rebuilding itself. The low, often wooden, and very basic buildings that had been constructed during the city's foundation years were largely removed, and replaced by grand edifices, many stories high and largely built of stone.

It was a boom time for Melbourne's stonemasons but, despite high demand for their services, they suffered the same treatment as the city's factory workers; low pay, dangerous conditions and very long hours.

Enter James Stephens.

James Stephens: Stonemason and labour activist.

Born in Wales in 1821, Stephens followed in his father's footsteps and became a stonemason as a teenager. In 1839 he was seriously injured when he fell from a construction site scaffold, and the lack of assistance available to him while he recovered helped steer him towards the organised labour movement.

Once he regained fitness, Stephens joined the newly formed 'Chartists', a political protest group that drew support from the skilled trades. The Chartists were named for their support of  'The People's Charter'; a political manifesto produced by six radical members of Parliament that called for electoral reform and better conditions for workers.

Chartist demonstration, London, early 1840s.

Chartism grew and spread rapidly, from its origins in the working class north to England's major cities. Stephens moved to London in the early 1840s, from where he was able to see the movement at its peak; several enormous demonstrations were organised, and a petition of 3 million signatures was submitted to Parliament, demanding action on the groups reform agenda.

Stephens became a zealous organiser of his fellow stonemasons, and was considered a minor leader within the movement. But the controversy attached to Chartism came at a price; he was sacked from a lucrative job working at Windsor Castle when his affiliation was discovered. Other Chartist leaders called for strikes and civil disobedience and were arrested, which lead to rioting and violent confrontations with police.

Meanwhile, the movement was frustrated politically. Their petitions, which now also included a call for an 8 hour work day, were rejected by Parliament, and they saw no significant progress towards their objectives (most of their program would eventually be adopted, but not until 1867).

Looking for fresh opportunities, Stephens, like many Chartist tradesmen, was lured to Australia in 1853 by the gold rush.

Melbourne Stonemasons banner.

Arriving in February 1853, Stephens energetically set to work in the local construction industry. Work was plentiful, but conditions were nearly as poor as they had been in England. While disgruntled, the local tradesman were not politically organised and Stephens, with his Chartist experience, was a natural authority figure.

8 hour day demonstration, Melbourne.

In February 1856 Stephens, and local tradesman James Galloway, formed the Operative Masons Society at the Clark Hotel in Collingwood. The objective of this group was simple by Chartist standards; to agitate for a mandated eight hour work day. And, after having been in the organised labour movement for nearly twenty years without much tangible success, Stephens was in a hurry. The Operative Masons decreed that the 8 hour day would be in place by April.

On the 21 April 1856, Stephens took decisive action:

Starting at a construction site at the University of Melbourne, Stephens convinced the workers there to down tools and join him on a march on Parliament in Spring Street. Along the way, they detoured passed several construction sites in the city and picked up more supporters. Eventually, a crowd of a few thousand gathered at the Parliament steps for a noisy and boisterous, though peaceful, demand for an eight hour work day.

But Stephens, and the movement's other leaders, had planned this moment carefully.

In the weeks leading up to the demonstration, they had met secretly with business groups and Parliamentarians, and had convinced them both of the movement's strength, and the potential for strikes and disruption if they continued to deny an 8 hour day. A Parliamentary delegation met Stephens on April 21, and he was able to inform his supporters that their demands would be met.

The group then marched on to the Belvedere Hotel in Fitzroy, where their celebration spilled across several streets.

Labour Day Parade, 1923.

Legislation introducing an 8 hour work day was passed by Parliament shortly afterwards. While this still meant a 48 hour week for most workers, as most still worked six days, this was viewed as a great victory, the first by organised labour in the modern era. A celebratory parade through the city was organised for May 12, and would continue as an annual tradition. In 1879, the popularity of this event lead the Victorian Government to make this a paid public holiday, dubbed 'Labour Day,' the State's first.

John Stephens was lionised as a hero. Sadly, it wouldn't last.

8 Hour Day Monument, shortly after being erected.

The top of the monument, commemorating the 8-8-8 slogan.

In the years following his great success, Stephens saw the local labour movement he helped found expand and diversify. But Stephens' support for sub-contracting, then a novel idea, alienated him from the movement's newer leaders, who saw it as a way for employers to cut wages. Stephens claimed that his enemies in the union movement had him effectively blacklisted, and he struggled to find work and make ends meet. They also sought to re-write history somewhat, now emphasizing James Galloway's efforts in regards to the reforms of 1856, at the expense of his own.

Impoverished, sickly and slowly going blind, by the 1880s Stephens had largely been forgotten by Victorian society. A collection taken up for him by the Trades Hall in Carlton provided for Stephens somewhat in his final years, but when he died in 1889 he was destitute and left no estate.

The parade that he helped inspire did not last either.

For nearly a century, the Labour Day parade was a fixture in Melbourne, replete with floats, live entertainment and a carnival atmosphere. Large holiday crowds turned out each year to celebrate the 8 hour day, among other subsequent labour reforms. But by the 1930s, crowds were waning, as the great depression created a sombre mood. World War II further diminished the parade's popularity, and it was discontinued altogether after 1951. The Labour Day holiday had been moved by this time to March, and is now capped by the Moomba festival instead.

But one landmark to the landmark reforms of 1856 remains, on Victoria Street, just opposite Trades Hall. Designed by Percival Ball, and paid for by union subscriptions, the 8 Hour Day monument was erected in 1903.

James Stephens is not mentioned.

The Prime Minister Disappears

Sunday, 17 December, 1967: The lead in to Christmas was dramatically interrupted by some of the most sensational news in the history of the country; The Prime Minister, Harold Holt, had disappeared! 

The Sun reports the incredible news.

Initial details were sketchy.

Holt had gone missing while swimming in the ocean near Portsea and was presumed dead, although a search was ongoing. Exactly why Holt had chosen to swim off such rough coast, notorious for rips and unpredictable swell, was uncertain.

But Holt's chances of surviving long in the Southern Ocean were obvious to everyone.

Young man in a hurry: Harold Holt circa 1930.

Born in Sydney in 1908 to a family of modest means, Harold Holt distinguished himself from a young age as a scholar and sportsman. He attended Wesley College in Melbourne and his results won him a scholarship to the University of Melbourne, where he studied law and captained the school cricket and football teams, as well as starring on the debate team.

He was a popular student, but was also viewed as a ruthless, ambitious young man. His driven nature has often been attributed to his parents; his mother died when Harold was 8 and his father was an aloof and remote figure, devoted to his business interests.

After graduating, Holt passed the Victorian bar in 1932 and went to work as a barrister in Melbourne. He also joined the United Australia Party (UAP), the leading conservative party in Australia at the time. His education and skill as a debater made him an obvious choice as a candidate for elected office, and he ran unsuccessfully in the Federal election of 1934 and state election of 1935.

Despite these setbacks, the UAP viewed Holt as one of their rising stars and offered the young go-getter the safe seat of Fawkner. Elected to Federal Parliament at the age of 27, Harold Holt remains one of Australia's youngest MP's. His intellectual accomplishments were backed by a debonair appearance and manner; handsome, genial and immaculately dressed, Holt cut quite a public figure in the staid 1930s.

Holt poses for a magazine article.

Joining the UAP in the same year as Holt, but 14 years his senior, was another man destined for the top of Australian politics; Robert Menzies. Menzies and Holt were dissimilar in many respects, but had similar policy ideas, and shared a strong work ethic and love of the theatre. They became firm friends, in and out of politics.

With the shock death of Prime Minister Joseph Lyons in 1939, Menzies (made deputy leader only the year before) assumed the Prime Minstership in dramatic circumstances. A bellicose man, not always easy to work with, Menzies reshuffled cabinet to reward his close colleagues within the party, continuing Holt's rapid rise by promoting him to the Ministry.

Robert Menzies, late 1930s.

But Menzies' blustering style made enemies within the UAP as well, and he was forced to resign in 1941 after a vote of no confidence. Surprisingly, Holt was one of the members who voted against Menzies, although he never revealed his reason and the two would remain friends.

Ongoing tensions within the UAP  would lead the party to splinter and then, finally, to dissolve, in 1944. In the space this created on the Conservative side of politics, Menzies formed a new party, The Liberal Party, as a vehicle to bring him back to power. Holt was one of the first members of the new enterprise, joining the Prahran branch.

When Menzies was re-elected in  1949, Holt was one of the highest profile members of his cabinet, and was already being touted as a future leader. Over the next decade, Holt would serve in a variety of positions, including  Minister for Labour, Immigration and National Service. In 1958 he succeeded Arthur Fadden as Treasurer, the traditional role for the heir apparent.

But he had a long wait. Menzies did not retire until 1966, with Holt sworn in as the 26th Prime Minster on Australia Day of that year. Menzies declared the country 'in good hands.'

Official portrait of Harold Holt, PM.

As Prime Minster, Holt largely continued with the policies of the Menzies era, although he modulated the details of some. Menzies signature 'White Australia Policy' was kept, but the restrictions on non European immigration were relaxed. 

But Holt is best remembered for his personal friendship with American President Lyndon Johnson, and his resulting decision to escalate Australia's involvement in the Vietnam war.

Holt and Johsnon.

The two men were known to each other before Holt became Prime Minister, but they became close when Holt visited Washington in July 1966. They shared a similar background and temperament and became so close that Holt's wife would describe their relationship as 'spectacular.' This visit to the US was when Holt made his famous remark 'all the way with LBJ,' in regards to US-Australian relations.

Johnson's return visit to Australia in October 1966 was less cordial, with violent demonstrations dogging the President's itinerary. Although the prestige attached to the visit - Johnson was the first US President to visit Australia - also had a positive effect. For despite the unpopularity of the war in Vietnam, Holt secure a crushing victory at the 1966 election. The Liberal Party result at the poll - 56.9% of the two party vote - is the highest recorded in Australian history.

Holt ended 1966 with control of both houses of Parliament, and firm control of his party, seemingly at the height of his powers.

On December 17, 1967, Holt rose early and drove down to Mornington Penninsula to watch solo around the world yachtsman Alec Rose enter Port Phillip Bay. With the Prime Minister were some friends, and two bodyguards, and after Rose had sailed by, the small party made their way to Cheviot Beach for lunch.

It was a broiling day and, always a keen swimmer,  Holt decided to take a dip after lunch.

His friends tried to dissuade him. The surf was rough and Holt's health - he had collapsed in Parliament earlier in the year - had been in doubt.

But the Prime Minster was determined. He had a holiday house nearby and knew the area, and the ocean conditions, well. He dismissed concerns about the rough sea and changed into his bathing suit, before striding into the ocean.

He quickly swam out past the breakers.

Other witnesses said they had seen Holt turn around and make for shore, before disappearing below the waves.

The alarm was immediately raised.

Within an  hour helicopters were scouring the waves, and by sunset more than 200 search personnel were on site. The largest search - at that time - in Australia's history would last for three weeks and involve members of the Army, Navy and Coast Guard. But after two fruitless days, those involved knew that the best they could hope for was to find the PMs body.

Holt was pronounced dead on December 19 and National Party leader John McEwan was sworn in as Prime Minister the same day. On December 22 a memorial service was held for Holt, attended by 19 heads of state from around the world, Holt's good friend Lyndon Johnson among them.

No trace of Holt's body has ever been found.

And there the matter might have rested.

But the absence of a body, and the unusual circumstances surrounding the disappearance, caused some alternative theories to come forth.

In 1970, paranormal investigator John Keel wrote Operation Trojan Horse, a widely read book that claimed that aliens were behind a number of unsolved mysteries from history. Keel claimed that Holt had, in fact, been abducted by aliens; just the latest example of their regular intervention in human affairs. 

And in 1983, British journalist Anthony Grey wrote a best selling book that claimed Holt was actually a spy, working for the People's Republic of China. In this telling, Holt hadn't drowned but had actually learned that his cover was about to be blown, and arranged to be collected by a Chinese submarine.

Still other theories posited that Holt had been assassinated by the CIA - who had learnt of his intention to withdraw Australian troops from Vietnam - or that he had simply become depressed and committed suicide. 

Cheviot Beach, present day.

In 2005 the Victorian Coroner, who had not previously investigated due to the absence of a body, conducted a formal inquiry. Their conclusion was that Holt had accidentally drowned; a tragic case of an experienced swimmer overwhelmed by freak conditions. The report speculated that Holt's body may have been swept from the area by strong currents before it could be found, or eaten by sharks, both common enough in the Southern Ocean.

Holt remains the only Australian PM to die of unnatural causes while in office.

References

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Holt

http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/holt-harold-edward-10530

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Menzies

http://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1112/12rp06/12rp06l

http://www.abc.net.au/gnt/history/Transcripts/s951005.htm

http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/the-prime-minister-who-disappeared-15319213/?no-ist

Albert Dunstan

Cutting between Spring and Landsdowne Streets, Treasury Place provides an unexpectedly elegant boundary to the State Parliament precinct. With the undulating green of the Treasury Gardens on one side, and the graceful pale stone of various public service offices on the other, it is simultaneously both a secluded and open space and is a good spot for a stroll, when it's not overrun with bureaucrats.

The current layout dates from the 1950's, when the government precinct was given an overhaul.

Treasury Place in the 1950's.

And today.

Keeping vigil outside the Treasury offices are four statues, depicting four of Victoria's most famous Premiers; Albert Dunstan, Henry Bolte, Dick Hamer and John Cain jr, And while their names are probably familiar, the key achievements and personalities of these former leaders have, perhaps, become obscured by the passage of time.

These are worth considering. For among the details of the public lives of these four, very different men, you can tell much about the history of life in this state, and about the machinations of politics everywhere. Over the next few weeks, we'll have a look at the backstory on these former Premiers, starting with our very own Frank Underwood, Albert Dunstan.

ALBERT DUNSTAN

Short, stocky and pugnacious, Albert Dunstan may have seemed like an odd fit for a top level politician. But his forthright, direct manner and everyman persona made him an effective operator.

Born into a farming family in rural Victoria, Dunstan initially seemed set to continue the family line, working on the land first in Queensland and then locally, near Swan Hill. But in 1916, he joined the Victorian Farmer's Union, a move that would eventually lead him to a seat in the State Parliament as the member for Eaglehawk. Dunstan quickly established himself as one of the VFU's most outspoken parliamentary members, and also soon displayed a talent for Machiavellian political chicanery.

In 1921 Dunstan fell out with the VFU's Parliamentary leader, John Allan, and began to undermine his authority. The VFU had traditionally voted with the leading conservative party of the day, the Nationalists, but Dunstan lead a breakaway faction that voted with the Labor Party on certain key issues.

John Allen; nemesis

Allen correctly interpreted this as Dunstan's attempt to destabilise his leadership and paid him back by stymieing his career. Despite his effectiveness in Parliament, Dunstan was deliberately excluded from cabinet when the VFU formed a coalition government with the Nationalists in 1924. Allan became deputy Premier and seemed to have thwarted his feisty rival.

But Dunstan was far from finished.

In 1926, he formed his own party, the Country Progressive Party, and sat in Parliament as its sole member, ostensibly as an independent. Dunstan's talents on the stump and in the community were now unencumbered and in the 1927 election, the CPP increased it's representation to 5, solely at the expense of the VFU.

Worried about how successful Dunstan may become, Allan and the VFU sought peace. In 1930, Allan convinced Dunstan to rejoin the fold, and they merged their two parties into the United Country Party. Allan remained as leader but, to his undoubted chagrin, Dunstan demanded the deputy leadership as part of the deal.

And the agreement bore fruit. In 1932, the UCP formed a coalition government with the conservative United Australia Party, with Allen again as deputy Premier and Dunstan now becoming Minister of Works. Dunstan was to prove a diligent and hard working Minister, but his ambitions went much further than this.

Dunstan in 1932.

The election of 1935 was close, but the UAP Government, headed by Stanley Argyle, was returned. Allan had lost the UCP leadership by this stage, largely due to poor health, and had been replaced by Murray Bourchier.

Bourchier, however, had proved an ineffective leader. Dunstan had spent the previous three years shoring up his support within the party and, shortly after the election, successfully challenged Bourchier for the leadership, which also brought the Deputy Premier's office with it.

He was now just one short step away from achieving his ultimate goal.

Dunstan campaigning in 1935. His ease with
regular folks was much remarked upon.

The relationship between the UAP and the UCP had always been strained, and Labor leader Thomas Tunnecliffe now sought to widen this divide. He had intermediaries reach out to Dunstan and advise that if Dunstan were to move a no-confidence motion in the government, Labor would support a new government headed by Dunstan himself. While an act of outrageous political treachery, this offer would prove too much of a temptation.

Dunstan had his party withdraw from the coalition on March 19, 1935 and a no confidence motion was put to Parliament nine days later. This passed and Dunstan formed a new government, and became Premier, on April 2.

The local press reports the story, April 2, 1935.

He would remain at the head of Victoria's Government for the following eight years. Although the methods he employed to retain power were every bit as cynical as the means he had used to claim office.

Even a united country party would only ever be a minor player in a state like Victoria, so Dunstan quickly moved to stack the deck in his favour. Using a form of gerrymandering that would resurface during Joh Bjelke-Peterson's long reign in Queensland in the 70's and 80's, Dunstan used electoral redistribution legislation to redraw the electoral boundaries for country electorates. In simple terms, country electorates then contained dramatically fewer people than their city equivalents, meaning a political party like Dunstan's could claim more seats with fewer votes.

Such a tactic could not work without additional political support, and Dunstan found that his Labor Party allies were willing to back his scheme in exchange for a few policy concessions. Although their support was controversial and threatened to split the party at times, they remained behind Dunstan for seven years, enabling his Premiership.

John Cain sr.

Finally, in 1943 Labor withdrew their support and voted in favour of electoral equalisation legislation. When Dunstan lost this vote, he immediately resigned as Premier, seemingly seeing the closure of his route to power. He was replaced by John Cain sr, but Cain's interim Labor government would last only 5 days.

With Labor unable to command a working majority in Parliament, Dunstan returned to the Premier's office to see out the remaining two years of his term.  But the farce had nearly concluded; John Cain lead Labor to a convincing victory at the election of 1945.

But this was a period of great instability in Victorian politics, and the ALP government was replaced in 1947 by a conservative coalition; consisting of the newly created Liberal Party, and Country Party. Dunstan, while no longer a viable option as Country Party leader, still managed to claim the key post of Health Minister.  But Premier Thomas Hollway was suspicious of Dunstan, and quietly had him removed from  Cabinet a year after the election.

Towards the end; Dunstan as health minister in 1947.

As his eventful career in politics was finally winding down, Dunstan also received the highest civilian honour available at the time; in 1948 he was knighted.

His final two years in state parliament passed quietly as an independent private member. In 1950, shortly after a tour of his own electorate, Dunstan died of heart disease at the family home in Camberwell. His decade at the top makes him Victoria's second longest serving Premier, but his political methods and manipulation of the system make him one of the most controversial figures state politics has produced.

At the very least, he is an unusual choice for the subject of a statue outside the state Parliament. Also of interest is the way the statue has been arranged to make it look as if Dunstan is in conversation with former Liberal Premier Henry Bolte. Bolte's loathing of Dunstan was well known and he publicly described the UCP as 'political prostitutes' for their ousting of Stanley Argyle.

The Jeff Kennett Gargoyle

Along the southern wall of Saint Patrick's Cathedral, flanked by statues of St Francis of Assisi and St Catheine of Siena, is a most unusual reminder of Victoria's former premier Jeff Kennett. One of the gargoyles that dot the bluestone walls of the Cathedral at regular intervals has been carved in his likeness.

Local stonemason Tom Carson is responsible .He did some work on the Cathedral during remodelling in 1992 and decided to include Kennett as a 'whim.' In 2002 he told The Age newspaper:

'When they (the church) first began doing Gothic buildings in the 12th century, the stonemasons were like cartoonists, so they did all these funny animals and they'd get the local mayor or the dean of the cathedral and make him look like a monster. It was the master masons way of making fun of local dignitaries, or perhaps settling a score. I was very lucky to get away with doing something a bit different.'

Kennett himself claims not to have seen the gargoyle, but is pleased by it nonetheless.

'I did hear rumours about the gargoyle but have tried not to locate it. Not being of the Catholic faith but sympathetic to it, I think it's highly appropriate.'

Undoubtedly many Victorians, not necessarily Kennett supporters, would feel the same way.

The cathedral is one of the largest Gothic churches in the world and a key tourist stop for visitors to Melbourne. You wonder how many of them look at their photos of it later and wonder if there isn't something odd about one of the sculptures...